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PITTSBURGH (AP) — The best pitcher in baseball on the team with the best record in baseball isn’t sure how exactly the Milwaukee Brewers keep doing this. Asked how a team that works on the fringe of baseball’s middle class has turned Champagne celebrations into a September ritual, Jacob Misiorowski shrugged. “I couldn’t tell you,” the 24-year-old ace said. “You know, I’ve been trying to figure it out all year.” The search will continue into October. The Brewers (94-57) won their fourth straight NL Central title on Tuesday night, when they rode their flame-throwing star and a couple of timely hits from role players Luis Lara and Joey Ortiz for a 5-1 victory over Pittsburgh. When Atlanta rallied past the Chicago Cubs about 30 minutes later, there was a roar that seeped through the cinderblock walls outside the visitors’ clubhouse at PNC Park. Bottles were popped. Cigars were lit. Beers — Miller Lites, of course — were chugged. This part of the journey never gets old, not even for Christian Yelich, who has been a fixture during Milwaukee’s run of eight playoff appearances in nine years. “We’re a good team,” the three-time All-Star and 2018 NL MVP said. “This is what we set out to do every season at the beginning of spring training. We just keep playing our game.” Milwaukee doesn’t overwhelm opponents with power or gaudy stats — outside of Misiorowski’s stream of 100 mph-plus fastballs — and instead relies on singles, smart baseball and a selfless approach. The Brewers gave Pittsburgh a glimpse in the second inning. Jake Bauers led off with a single to right field, advanced to second on a groundout and sprinted to third on a wild pitch. Luis Lara followed with a fly ball to center field deep enough to allow Bauers to dash home. Just like that, Milwaukee was up 1-0 with the NL Cy Young favorite on the mound. While Misiorowski didn’t think he had his best stuff on a night he tossed five scoreless innings to drop his ERA to an MLB-best 1.89, it hardly mattered. “It’s just the boys grinding, them doing their jobs and putting a run across the board,” Misiorowski said. “So that’s all I can ask for.” A lot of times, it’s all he needs. The Brewers don’t just, as Ortiz put it, “single you to death.” They largely avoid the mental mistakes that can make all the difference during the 162-game regular season. The proof came in the fourth when the Pirates put together their only significant rally. Pittsburgh had runners on first and second with one out when Rafael Flores hit a sharp grounder that glanced off Milwaukee third baseman David Hamilton’s glove and rolled into the outfield. Pittsburgh’s Nick Gonzales stayed at third rather than race home after a mix-up with third base coach Tony Beasley. In the chaos, the Brewers caught Pirates designated hitter Ryan O’Hearn in a rundown between second and third for the second out. Misiorowski got Spencer Horwitz to fly out and end the threat. It’s been like that all year. It’s been like that most of the last decade. “I think we do a really good job of knowing how to win, creating a winning culture and everybody knows, like, every night it’s time to win,” Yelich said. Yelich believes that culture starts with the ownership group headed by Mark Attanasio and trickles down to general manager Matt Arnold to manager Pat Murphy to a roster whose payroll of around $140 million is 19th highest in the majors. The other National League teams that began Tuesday in playoff position — the Los Angeles Dodgers, Atlanta, Philadelphia, San Diego and the Chicago Cubs — are all inside the top 10. Given the Brewers’ success since their renaissance began in 2018, it’s hard to paint them as underdogs. “I wouldn’t say they underestimate us anymore,” Misiorowski said. “I think we’ve gotten to a spot where they kind of see it.” The Pirates, who are on the cusp of having their playoff drought hit 11 years, certainly have. “Other teams are definitely looking at what (the Brewers are) doing … because they haven’t spent the money that the Dodgers have,” Pittsburgh manager Don Kelly said. “Money doesn’t always buy wins or championships. It’s a game that we’re playing. You have to go out there and play good baseball, and the Brewers have done that consistently over the last few years.” When Ortiz was a rookie in Baltimore in 2023, he remembers sitting around with teammates wondering “how was Milwaukee winning these games?” Now he knows. And no, there is no secret sauce. Just good baseball. “It’s just competing, focusing on the stuff we can control, worrying about today and nothing else,” he said. “I feel like we just have a bunch of competitors on the team who want to do what we can to win. I don’t really think we think too much.” While the Brewers have locked up the division, they’re hardly finished. The next step is trying to hold off the Dodgers for the No. 1 seed in the National League and the home-field advantage that comes with it. For all of Milwaukee’s success, one thing the club hasn’t done is translate it into an extended October stay. The Brewers are still searching for their first World Series appearance since 1982. Yet they keep giving themselves a chance. They’ll take it. “I think we stick to our plan and stick to who we are,” Ortiz said, “and try and be the best at what we can do.” ___ AP MLB: https://apnews.com/hub/mlb Brought to you by www.srnnews.com

At various times over the last decade, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the United States, Britain and Israel have carried out punishing air raids on Yemen’s Houthi rebels — only to see them grow even stronger. Now, as the Iran-backed Houthis advance on a key maritime chokepoint and strike Saudi oil facilities, rattling world markets, there is little that can be done to stop them that hasn’t been tried before. That’s because the Houthis operate in a large and mountainous territory where they can disperse fighters and military infrastructure while threatening major oil infrastructure and key trade routes. Iran and its allies in Lebanon and Iraq provide expertise, training and sophisticated weapons, according to U.N. and other experts, and the Houthis’ hard-line ideology does the rest. “They are the most committed, the most ideologically pure and the most aggressive” of Iran’s regional allies, says Michael Knights, who has written extensively about the Houthis and is now head of research at Horizon Engage, a New York-based strategic advisory. “They’ve been developed by the Iranians in a fast-track way. Things that took the Lebanese Hezbollah 20 years to develop, the Houthis have developed in five.” The Houthis have a wide array of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones — many resembling Iranian models — that can reach all the Gulf states as well as Israel. They have also used sophisticated anti-ship missiles and naval drones to strike vessels in the Red Sea, threatening a critical trade route. Iran denies arming the Houthis, which would violate a U.N. embargo. But smuggled Iranian weapons and parts have been seized from numerous shipments bound for Yemen, and a report by U.N. experts in 2024 documented extensive military ties between the Houthis, Iran and its other allies. That report estimated that the Houthis had recruited up to 350,000 fighters by 2024, up from just 30,000 in 2015, when Saudi Arabia intervened in Yemen’s civil war against the Houthis and imposed a naval blockade. The Houthis can use relatively inexpensive drones and missiles to target oil and other infrastructure just across the border in Saudi Arabia, as well as tankers off the coast. And while Iran is believed to supply cutting-edge components like guidance systems, the Houthis can manufacture much of their weaponry domestically. Saudi Arabia boasts an array of U.S.-supplied weapons, including sophisticated aircraft as well as advanced missile defenses used against Iran at the height of the war last spring. But with supplies of high-end interceptors under pressure, it’s unclear how long it can ward off attacks — not only from the Houthis, but from Iran-backed militias in Iraq blamed for an attack that shut down an east-west pipeline crucial for oil exports. Saudi Arabia went to war against the Houthis in early 2015, after the rebels seized much of northern and central Yemen, including the capital, Sanaa, from Yemen’s internationally recognized government. Even then, the Saudis feared the growth of a well-armed Iranian proxy on their border. Over the next seven years, Saudi Arabia carried out waves of airstrikes against the Houthis, often killing civilians. An array of Yemeni government forces and southern separatists struggled to push the Houthis back, and the battle lines moved little before a 2022 ceasefire. The following year, after the outbreak of the war in Gaza, the Houthis began attacking Red Sea shipping in what they said was a blockade of Israel. The U.S. and the U.K. launched waves of strikes against the Houthis beginning in January 2024. The following year, U.S. President Donald Trump ordered an intensified air campaign, with some 2,000 munitions dropped on over 1,000 targets, a U.S. military official told The Associated Press at the time. The cost of the U.S. munitions alone totaled more than $750 million, while the Houthis destroyed seven U.S. MQ-9 Reaper drones, at a cost of more than $30 million apiece. An over $60 million F/A-18 fighter jet slid off an aircraft carrier. After weeks of U.S. strikes, the Houthis agreed to stop attacking American ships. But they continued to target Israel, which responded with its own strikes later in 2025, killing the Houthi prime minister along with other senior officials and repeatedly hitting a key port. The Houthis largely kept to the sidelines in the first several months of the Iran war, but in July, they resumed attacks on Saudi Arabia and declared a blockade on Saudi shipping. As recent conflicts have shown, air power is rarely effective without ground troops who can move in and seize territory after strikes. In the case of Yemen, the ground fighters opposed to the Houthis are deeply divided and fought each other as recently as January. They include fighters loyal to the Saudi-backed government and southern separatists supported by the United Arab Emirates — a sometimes rival to the Saudis that withdrew from Yemen in 2019. “Half of the story is Iranian support, and this is extremely important … but there’s another half of the story, which is the weakness of their adversaries,” said Thomas Juneau, a professor of international affairs at the University of Ottawa specializing in Iran and Yemen. “(Yemen’s) internationally recognized government is fragmented, it’s weak, it’s disunited, it’s corrupt, and the Houthis have systematically been able to exploit that,” he said. In recent weeks, anti-Houthi forces have fallen back from one position after another as the rebels have advanced toward the Bab el-Mandeb, a narrow strait between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The Saudis appear reluctant to enter another full-scale war with the Houthis. A ground campaign would involve prolonged fighting and high casualties. The U.S., still preoccupied with Iran, also appears keen to stay out. A Saudi mutual defense pact with Turkey and Pakistan signed last month has yet to be activated. The diplomatic options are also limited. The Houthis are demanding that Saudi Arabia lift its blockade, which would be an admission of defeat in the long-running war and pave the way for even more extensive Iranian aid to the rebels. “As long as U.S.-Iran tensions are not resolved, there will not be significant progress between Saudi Arabia and Iran,” Juneau said. “The Houthis are in a very intransigent mood right now, and they are absolutely not ready to make any kind of concessions.” Brought to you by www.srnnews.com

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Egypt is betting that building wind turbines at home can help it build a renewable-energy industry, positioning it as a template for Africa’s push for renewable-energy industrialization. The country signed a deal with China’s SANY Renewable Energy to develop a 2,000-megawatt wind project in the Gulf of Suez alongside Egypt’s first wind turbine manufacturing plant. The project is expected to connect to the national grid within 23 months of final agreements, while the factory is intended to supply Egypt and potentially export equipment across Africa and the Middle East. Even though Egypt’s project is still in its early stages, energy experts say its emphasis on scale, local manufacturing and technology transfer could offer lessons for other African countries struggling to turn renewable-energy ambitions into functioning infrastructure. That includes a project in Nigeria, where a 10-megawatt wind farm took nearly two decades to begin producing electricity. The difference highlights a broader challenge for Africa’s renewable-energy push: how to move beyond importing equipment and announcing projects to building the financing, industrial capacity and policy stability needed to deliver them at scale. “The contrasts are stark,” said Fadhel Kaboub, an associate professor of economics at Ohio’s Denison University. “We have a project in Nigeria that took two decades to come online, whereas we have this one project in Egypt that looks like it’s going to really take off.” Kaboub cautioned that Egypt’s deal is not yet proof of success. But its combination of scale, manufacturing and a Chinese technology partner could give it a better chance of attracting investment and coming to fruition quickly, he said. “For manufacturing anything to be profitable, efficient and successful, you need economies of scale,” he said. “The problem with every African country is that our internal markets are too small. We don’t have the economies of scale to industrialize one country at a time.” Egypt’s plan is part of a broader effort to localize renewable energy technology, increase local content, and leverage the country’s trade links to export equipment. The government has said the factory will help reduce reliance on imported equipment while building an industrial base around renewable energy. That ambition comes with risks. Kaboub said Egypt needs to ensure that cooperation with SANY results in meaningful technology transfer rather than simply creating another form of dependence on foreign manufacturers. “If the Chinese partner fully retains control over the technology and there’s really no transfer of technology, then we’re looking at another cycle of dependence,” he said. Nigeria’s experience illustrates how project design can be as important as the technology itself. The 10-megawatt Lambar Rimi wind farm in Katsina state was contracted to the French wind turbine manufacturer Vergnet in 2010, with completion scheduled for 2012. The project was funded by the Japan International Cooperation Agency and was designed to use 37 turbines rated at 275 kilowatts each. The project stalled for years before being taken over by the Katsina state government. It was eventually commissioned in September 2025 after the state added 10 megawatts of solar capacity. Dr Dola Oluteye, founder of the PATNA Initiative and a senior fellow in energy and transport policy at University College London’s Bartlett School of Environment, Energy and Resources, said the comparison should not be framed simply as Nigeria’s failure versus Egypt’s success. “The useful question is what Egypt has built into its project structure that Nigeria left unresolved for years,” Oluteye said. “The cost of capital is the binding constraint, not the resource.” The International Energy Agency says the cost of capital for utility-scale clean-energy projects in Africa is at least two to three times higher than in advanced economies and China. Africa attracts around 2% of global clean-energy spending despite accounting for about one-fifth of the world’s population. Oluteye said Egypt’s decision to structure the new wind project in local currency is particularly significant because it reduces the currency mismatch that can undermine African power projects that are financed in dollars but earn revenue in local currencies. The industrial component could also change the economics and politics of future projects. “While Nigeria purchased 37 turbines, Egypt is attempting to buy the capability to make them,” Oluteye said. African countries could use their collective market to negotiate better terms from technology providers, including requirements for local manufacturing and technology transfer. “If we form a negotiating bloc with a joint industrial policy, we can probably get better terms for technology transfer and joint ventures that could transform the continent at scale,” Kaboub said. For Nigeria, the challenge is therefore not simply finding more wind. “If something is new, especially in Africa, you want to pilot it first,” Kaboub said, adding that stronger feasibility studies, affordable financing, clearer project ownership and policy continuity are critical. “The implementation of policy is what is critical, not the fact that you have 50 policies on your website or in your government documents,” he said. ___ The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org. Brought to you by www.srnnews.com

THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) — Former Kosovo President Hashim Thaci will learn his fate Wednesday when international judges at a court in The Hague deliver verdicts in his war crimes trial. Thaci is facing multiple counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity including murder, torture and persecution alongside three other former leaders of the Kosovo Liberation Army who fought Serb forces in the 1998-99 war. They are widely regarded as national heroes in their homeland. Thousands of people rallied in Pristina over the weekend in support of the four men. The protesters filled a central square in the capital, many carrying red and black Albanian flags. Portraits of the four former KLA fighters have been plastered across the city along with a huge digital clock counting down to Wednesday’s verdicts. “In the name of the people, declare them innocent,” one banner read. Prosecutors at the Kosovo Specialist Chambers court in The Hague have asked for a maximum 45-year prison sentence for Thaci and the other defendants, Kadri Veseli, Rexhep Selimi and Jakup Krasniqi. They have all denied the charges against them. “Throughout my life, I stood with the people of Kosovo defending freedom, life and dignity. I was always guided by the Western ideals of democracy, equality and justice,” Thaci told judges in February at the end of his nearly three-year trial. According to prosecutors, the men targeted political opponents and civilians perceived as collaborators and traitors during their time in the KLA. The staff at the European Union-backed court are largely international due to fears about witness safety and security. In 2022, the court convicted two leaders of a Kosovo war veterans’ association for intimidating witnesses by publicizing leaked confidential documents. Thaci also faces a separate trial on charges of intimidating witnesses that will begin later this month. He was a student who returned from what he described as political exile in Switzerland to join Kosovo’s struggle for independence. He earned the nickname “the Snake” for his ability to evade Serb forces during the conflict. He was embraced by Western leaders, who invited him to the 1999 peace talks in France in his role as political director of the Kosovo Liberation Army, and was seen as a leader who could guide the country toward independence. Thaci rose to political power after the war but resigned as president to defend himself before the court in The Hague. Most of the 13,000 people who died in the war in Kosovo were ethnic Albanians. A 78-day campaign of NATO airstrikes against Serbian forces ended the fighting. About 1 million ethnic Albanian Kosovars were driven from their homes. In 2008, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia, a move that Belgrade refuses to recognize. Ties between Kosovo and Serbia remain tense, despite years of negotiations mediated by the European Union and supported by the United States. ___ Associated Press reporter Molly Quell contributed to this report. Brought to you by www.srnnews.com

THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) — Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte is due to make his first public appearance in more than a year on Wednesday, after the presiding judge in his case at the International Criminal Court in the Netherlands said she expected the 81-year-old to attend a pretrial hearing. Duterte, who is facing charges of crimes against humanity, has missed a series of hearings since his arrest last year. Medical reasons were cited for his absence but the court’s judges ruled in January that he was healthy enough to stand trial. Duterte’s charges stem from his alleged involvement in dozens of killings as part of his so-called war on drugs while in office, first as the mayor of a southern city in the Philippines and later as president. He denies the charges against him. “We would expect Mr. Duterte to be here unless there’s some medical issue,” Judge Joanna Korner said during a pre-trial hearing in June. Wednesday’s hearing is to discuss evidence disclosure and come up with a timetable for the trial, which will open in November. “He’s fully aware that you’ll expect to see him sooner rather than later,” Duterte’s lead counsel Peter Haynes told the judges during the June hearing, referring to his client. Duterte was arrested in March 2025 and was set to appear in court in The Hague in September last year. However, the hearing was delayed after a pretrial panel of judges granted a “limited postponement” to give the court time to determine whether Duterte was fit enough to take part in the proceedings. Following an assessment by a panel of medical experts, judges ruled that Duterte is “fit to take part in the pre-trial proceedings.” The ICC has been looking into mass killings in crackdowns overseen by Duterte since 2018. Estimates of the death toll during Duterte’s presidential term vary, from the more than 6,000 that the national police have reported up to 30,000 claimed by human rights groups. According to the prosecutors, police and government hit squads carried out dozens of killings at Duterte’s orders, motivated by the promise of money or to avoid becoming targets themselves. A month after the court in February 2018 announced a preliminary investigation into the violent drug crackdowns, Duterte said the Philippines would withdraw from the ICC. Last year, judges rejected a request from Duterte’s legal team to throw out the case because of the Philippine withdrawal. Countries cannot “abuse” their right to withdraw from the court’s foundational Rome Statute “by shielding persons from justice in relation to alleged crimes that are already under consideration,” the decision says. Earlier this year, an attempt by authorities to arrest another man wanted by the ICC in connection with the drug killings dissolved into gunfire in the Philippine Senate in May. No one was hurt. The court had unsealed an arrest warrant for Ronald Marapon dela Rosa, who served as national police chief under Duterte. Dela Rosa went into hiding following the Senate standoff and remains on the run. Two months later, the Philippine Senate, acting as an impeachment court, opened the trial of Duterte’s daughter, Vice President Sara Duterte. If convicted of the charges, which include amassing unexplained wealth and publicly threatening the family of the current president, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., she may be permanently disqualified from holding public office. She denies the charges. Brought to you by www.srnnews.com